Social Change in the Heimat Trilogy

 This is part three of a forthcoming book called Collected Essays: Volume Two.

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Edgar Reitz’s series of Heimat films are very ambitious and cover a vast swath of history. ‘Heimat’ means ‘homeland’ in Germany and it is a very loaded term there. There have many ‘heimat’ films made in Germany, but they were usually patriotic and nationalistic. Hence, Reitz’s Heimat films were an attempt to create a more liberal and universal series. The first series covers the period after the first world war, the hyperinflation of the Weimar Republic, the rise in unemployment, the Nazification of German society, the denazification of German society and post-war affluence. However, several critics criticised Reitz for being ahistorical and for focusing on the personal relationships of people who live in a remote German village. Additionally, Reitz was criticised for leaving out Jewish perspectives and for focusing on the perspectives of Nazis. However, by and large, the series was a commercial and critical success. Meanwhile, its successor dealt with the avant-garde in music and cinema and had limited commercial success. It was longer than its predecessor, but it only covered a period of ten years. Whilst the first series examined social change in a small town, the second series explored the precarious ‘second home’ that we find as adults. The character Hermann leaves his home town and settles in Munich so as to study music; he is drawn to the avant-garde in the arts which, indeed, was often about change. The series also looks at tumultuous changes in society at the time, as it includes the ‘new left,’ the death of Kennedy and the rise of the hippies. The final series, Heimat 3, focuses on the period between 1990-2000, which has been called ‘the end of history.’ It goes back to Schabbach, the village that the first series is centred on. It depicts a globalised, multicultural, cosmopolitan and diverse world. Additionally, Reitz made a prequel set in 1844, which prefigured the revolutions of 1848, but this essay will not deal with that film. Although the series was initially made for television, the cinematography and the acting are excellent. The series also artfully switches between black-and-white and colour cinematography. The purpose of this essay is to examine social change in Germany between 1919 and 2000 and how Reitz depicts social change in his series.

Heimat (1984) lasts from 1919 until 1982 and takes place in a fictional German village called Schabbach. It lasts for fifteen hours and takes place over eleven episodes. Edgar Reitz initially came up with the idea because he saw an American series about the Holocaust, did not like it and decided to reclaim German history from Hollywood (Englen 2011). Although it was initially a TV series, Edgar Reitz insisted that it was a film in its own right and, indeed, the cinematography and acting are of high calibre. Indeed, The New York Times noted that it does not look like a television series (1986). The film is centred on the character Maria and she ages throughout the series. The main emphasis is on the relationship between the characters, but important historical events are depicted. Englen writes: ‘[Maria is a] symbol […] of living a life surrounded by the presence of inherited traditions’ (2011). The series begins with the end of the First World War, but it does not delve very much into the hyperinflation of the Weimar era or the mass unemployment of the early 1930s. It depicts the rise of Nazism and the Second World War as well as the affluence that arose as a result Germany’s post-war ‘economic miracle.’

This essay will examine both the ‘Nazification’ as well as the ‘Denazification’ of Germany and it will gauge how Reitz explores this in his films. As regards ‘Nazification,’ it will look at their economic policy. The main catalyst for the rise of Nazism was the mass unemployment of the early 1930s, which was even higher than the rest of Europe. Indeed, six million people were unemployed and this accounted for a third of the labour force (Grunberger 1971, p. 240). The Nazis triggered five general elections within the space of a year and, although they won the fifth general election in 1932, the economy was starting to improve and their share of the vote declined by two million votes (p 249). The Depression was receding and an upward swing occurred after the Nazis’ ‘Public Works’ program, which persuaded workers that the situation had improved. Compared to the standard of living of 1932 things had indeed improved, but the standard of living was still inferior to the living standards of the 1920s (p. 240). Still, workers in public work schemes were scarcely on more money than people who claimed unemployment benefits (p. 241). Public work programs cut unemployment by 40% (p. 35). However, more people were affluent in 1938 than 1932 (p. 242). However, the Nazis dwelt as to whether they should prioritise war or domestic economic affairs, which accounts for Goring’s famous quote: ‘Guns before butter’ (p. 264). Rationing started around 1936 and 1937, shopkeepers only sold butter to its most loyal customers and most meat products were rationed before the war (p. 264). Goebbels summed up the ethos of war-time austerity thusly: ‘In times when coffee is scarce, a decent person drinks less or stops drinking it altogether’ (p. 267). However, alcohol consumption went up and a black market sprung up (p. 58).

Having examined the Nazis’ economic policy, this essay will examine their political ideology. The Third Reich was populist and authoritarian in nature (p. 35). It immediately established a one-party state, abolished independent courts and crushed all other political parties. Indeed, Hitler stated the following: ‘Henceforth I no longer acknowledge different parties – I only acknowledge Germans’ (p. 35). Trade unions offered to collaborate with the regime, but so did big business (p. 36). They reintroduced conscription in 1935, which led to the ‘militarisation of society’ (p. 41). Indeed, many people spoke about ‘the tenacious spirit of the German soldier’ (p. 68). The Nazis emphasised collective sacrifice for the common good and there was a loss of freedom (p. 44). The Nazis were majoritarians and used terror to crush all minorities and dissidents (p. 62). The deaths of anti-Nazis were seen as ‘an atonement for German crimes’ (p. 71). The Nazis, of course, scapegoated the Jews, who were equated with capitalism and profit (p. 68) and for being racially impure. They also scapegoated intellectuals and ‘degenerate art’ (p. 69). They were also hostile to the aristocracy, although there was also some deference to them as well (p. 87).

Most of the episodes in Heimat take place during the Nazi era. Most of the characters who become Nazis do so out of expedience rather than out of principle. In its review of the film, The New York Times wrote that, although the film is about not about guilt, it does not excuse the behaviour of anyone (1986). In one scene, the characters Lucie and Eduard let prominent Nazis plan their operations at their spacious villa. The scene starts with mid-shot, in black and white, of a corridor, which dollies out as the Nazi politicians walk towards it. The camera is placed low on the ground. The soundtrack is comprised of serene music for piano and violin. There is a pendulum clock in the background. The camera work edits to a mid-shot of a separate room, where Lucie and Eduard stay whilst waiting for the high-ranking Nazis to complete their work. The room is bare, white and more brightly illuminated than the corridor. Lucie says: ‘I’m trembling all over. My knees, too. The Reichsleiter paid me a sweet compliment. He said that I’ve got the flair for the big occasions. […] No-one’s to go to the study. The Reichsleiter told me to ensure that they mustn’t be disturbed. We’ll remember this for a long time – Rosenberg, Frick and Ley.’ The camera pans to the right and looks out of the window. The room is brightly illuminated and more densely populated. This is followed by a mid-shot of the characters peering through the door, as they glance at the high-ranking Nazis. A mid-shot reveals a high-ranking Nazi with a grin on his face. He says: ‘Dear lady, please accept the gentleman’s thanks and my own. We apologise for the swift departure. The Fuhrer’s colleagues were most comfortable in your lovely house. The unperturbed seclusion. […] discussing difficult political problems […] pleased the gentleman very much. The best wishes and thanks very much from the heart.’ He proceeds to do a Nazi salute and this is followed by a 360 degree mid-shot of the characters peering through the door. They are both in different rooms, which emphasises their difference in status. This scene is later followed by a scene where they eat all the food that they prepared for the Nazi officials, which is in colour. Lucie says: ‘You mustn’t start at the top, not the bottom. We need something that requires special forces of nature. […] It will only work with a catastrophe, a flood. […] but in the Hunsruck, nothing ever happens. Nothing to get on in the world.’ The music appears in the background as she starts to cry. They are not particularly interested in Nazism as an ideology or as a set of principles. Instead, they use it as a way in which to advance their career and their prospects. She says that ‘nothing ever happens’ in the Hunsruck, as the small town does not offer enough opportunities. She is a former prostitute who marries Paul as a way to advance her career. Indeed, it was very common in Nazi Germany for people to use the Nazi Party as a way to cynically rise in the social echelons.

Many Germans during the Nazi era were unaware of the atrocities that took place, but it was still an insidious undercurrent. In one scene, Maria encounters ‘death rings’ that German workers wear and this disturbs her. The scene starts with a black-and-white mid-shot of a male character who comes in wearing a hat. Candles lie on the table, the table has a white cloth and the wall is white, which contrasts with his black clothing. There is also a Renaissance painting on the wall. The camera is placed lower on the ground and is framed via a 360 degree angle. The camera pans to the left Maria’s friend who says: ‘We went to the movies. We have necklaces.’ The camera tilts up and pans to the left, towards Maria. The camera later pans to the right, revealing all of the characters in the room and they occupy most of the space. He says: ‘We have necklaces. They’re in such high demand. We can sell them for 50 marks.’ This is followed by a close-up of Maria looking at the necklaces. She says: ‘They’re frightening.’ This is followed by a close-up of the necklaces, which have skulls attached to them. Her friend says: ‘Those red eyes seem to stare at you.’ He says: ‘They cost 12 marks each; the eyes are the real rubies.’ The camera work edits to a mid-shot of the other two characters. Maria still looks startled and says: ‘Who buys stuff like that?’ The other two characters are framed via a 360 degree angle whilst Maria is framed via a 180 degree angle. He replies thusly: ‘The Hunsruck road workers… all the engineers and the Labour corps… The Todt organisation men, they keep buying death head rings. Death heads brooches and even death head rings.’ This is followed by a close up of the ‘death head rings,’ in colour. Violin music plays in the background, as Maria says: ‘I think the wine has gone to my head.’ This scene is mundane and depicts ordinary people in an ordinary environment. However, the ‘death head rings’ symbolise the sinister undercurrent in Nazi Germany. Indeed, many ordinary Germans were involved in death camps. Maria, a decent and ordinary woman, is taken aback by it. This sinister and depraved aspect lies beneath their ordinary, mundane and traditional life. Reitz uses close-up angles to reveal Maria’s discomfort and switches to colour so as to emphasise the importance of the jewellery.  

Society became increasingly militarised in Nazi Germany. Although there are no war scenes, and the entire series solely takes place in a single town, this is something that does appear in the film. This becomes starkly apparent in the scene when Germany has invaded Poland. This scene, which is in black and white, starts with the mid-shot of a door looking out onto the horizon. The doors have Swastika flags on them and there is also a picture of Adolf Hitler. The camera edits to a shot of the room, where several members of Nazi Youth stand upright. A speech is played, as militaristic music is blares in the background: ‘Boys, girls, comrades. You will work together with the German people. The Fuhrer is about to make a historic announcement to us all.’ This is accompanied by a 180 degree mid-shot of the Hitler Youth and the camera pans to the left, revealing all of the young soldiers standing upright. There is also a group of Hitler Youth on the other side of the room and the camera once more pans across them. There are about ten members of Hitler Youth on each side of the room. Meanwhile, Hitler’s speech becomes highly vitriolic and belligerent: ‘Poison gas will be met with poison gas. I shall wage this struggle, no matter against whom. […] The armed forces are best equipped, beyond comparison with those of 1919. I demand sacrifices from the German people that I have rights to. Every personal sacrifice.’ The camera work edits to outside of the room, where a single individual, another member of Hitler Youth, stands outside. The camera tilts up to reveal another picture of Adolf Hitler and it tilts back down to reveal the megaphone which projects Hitler’s speech. This scene takes place just when Germany is about to invade Poland and when the nation is on the cusp of a brutal war. Everything is indeed Nazified and militarised; all of the youth are forced to listen to the belligerent speech and they are all forced to stand upright and follow procedures. It is clear that society is under the influence of fascism, that is highly authoritarian and that it is heavily regimented. Everyone is forced to sacrifice themselves for the good of the greater whole, as the individual is crushed and forced to go to war so as to defend fascist ideals. There is also a cult of personality around Hitler, as a large picture of him adorns the room and they are all forced to listen to his words. His words are highly aggressive and vitriolic, as he speaks about ‘poison gas meeting with poison gas.’ There is already a sense of hubris, as he states that they are more prepared than the WWI – ‘we are more equipped than 1919’ – and that they will resoundingly win this war. This scene demonstrates the way in which fascist society had regimented and militarised the whole of society.

This essay will now examine the ‘Denazification’ of Germany after the war. Most German were indeed appalled when they discovered the concentration camps (Jarausch 2006, p.5). The more people discovered about the details of the crimes, the more it seemed that ‘the Germans had committed a crime against civilisation itself’ (p. 6). Indeed, the Germans had produced Kant, Schiller, Goethe, Humboldt, Hegel and Beethoven, but they had sunk this low (p. 6). However, by the summer of 1945 young privates continued to maintain that Hitler was a great man and they remained incredulous when they were shown pictures of concentration camps (p. 31). Some Nazis were detained and they realised that they could offer their labour to the allies (p. 32). However, despite this, the overwhelming consensus was that WWII should never happen again (p. 33). Although the Nazi regime was nationalistic, ‘Heimatfilms’ were made during this period, which aimed to create a ‘political sense of home’ (p. 34). Indeed, Edgar Reitz’s films were a reaction against this and were an attempt to create a type of film which was not nationalistic. Although positive interpretations of the war did not disappear, a new anti-Nazi consensus emerged, the military had been discredited and new ‘peaceful values’ emerged (p. 35). Thousands of people became ‘DeNazified’ by throwing away copies of Mein Kampf, swastika badges and party membership cards (p. 46). Indeed, ‘Denazification’ was one of allies’ central aims (p. 46). The Soviets interned many civilians after the war and sent them to the USSR (Bessel 2009, p. 323). Meanwhile, President Franklin D. Roosevelt summed up the ethos of the war thusly: ‘[It is a] crusade to save civilisation from a cult of brutal tyranny, which would destroy it and all the dignity of human life (p. 47). However, following the war some Nazis evaded responsibility by committing suicide, others went underground and others destroyed evidence (p. 49). Removing all Nazis from professional life proved unfeasible and cumbersome, as it was impossible to condemn 6.5 million Nazi party members to manual labour (p. 54). Finally, the conditions of post-war Germany straight after the war were dingy and derelict, as infrastructure had been destroyed, public administration had collapsed, there was a huge influx of refugees and millions of foreign troops had arrived (Bessell 2009, p. 320). Families had been split up during the war, lost their home and possessions and were forced to live in cellars (p. 323). German soldiers were not welcomed warmly, as they had lost the war (p. 323). However, despite this brief period of chaos, the economy and society soon started to open up (p. 332).

       This essay will now explore Denazification in Heimat. Indeed, prior to the end of the war, some characters are already aware of gas chambers: ‘The final solution is being executed mercilessly. Between ourselves, we all know anyway. Up the chimney… I mean, the Jews.’ The character is indeed higher up in the echelons of the party, but Reitz still reveals how people were already aware of the Final Solution. An episode takes place after the war has ended and Lucie is attempts to ingratiate herself with Paul, Maria’s former husband who fled to America. Paul has since become a wealthy businessman and he has finally arrived after the collapse of the Nazi regime. After the war, the Americans are seen as paragons of freedom and liberation. Once the Nazis are defeated, Lucie tries to ingratiate herself with the Americans to, once more, advance her career. The scene starts with a mid-shot, in black and white, of Lucie wearing a dress and she has an American flag attached to her hat. The camera pans to the left, as she scurries through a group of people so as to talk to Paul. Slow music plays in the background. The camera pans to the left, which reveals Paul’s mother, his aunt and Maria’s son. The camera work, which is comprised of mid-shots, pans across a room, which is crowded with many people. It is only a mid-shot, not a long-shot, but the panning camera reveals all of the characters, which would otherwise be difficult in the cramped room. One of the characters holds a large box filled with cigarettes, which have clearly been imported during war-time rationing. A mid-shot reveals Maria walking into the room, but everyone in the room is in awe of Paul. However, Lucie is manipulative and controlling, so she appropriates the situation. She says: ‘We own the wonderful villa that’s the headquarters now. […] We had Rosenberg, Frick and Ley for four hours in our house. We all had no idea what murderers they were… what criminals sat on our chairs. Isn’t that true we had absolutely no idea what beasts were shaking hands with. […] They were the highest of us. They were like Gods, they were. Now I thank the Lord God in heaven that saved us from them.’ Denazification had already begun by this point, however, other scenes demonstrate that characters like Lucie were already aware of the Final Solution, so it is highly disingenuous for her to say that they were not complicit. Still, she seems to be in awe of them: ‘they were like Gods.’ She let them do their planning and organisation in her house, meaning that she is also implicated in the crimes. She subsequently attempts to win over the Americans because this once more is advantageous. This also mirrors history, as many people attempted to work with both the Nazis and the Americans at various stages so as to advance their careers.

     The post-war economic performance of West Germany has been called a ‘miracle’ or the ‘Wirtschaftswunder.’ This essay will now examine the German ‘economic miracle.’ This brought the German economy into a leading position in the world, something which it has maintained to this day (Heather 2021). Indeed, this comes through in the film, as the character Anton builds an optical factory. The German economy has always been centred on manufacturing, as opposed to the British economy which is centred on services. As this essay has demonstrated, Germany was an economic basket case during the Weimar Republic and the Nazi years. The German economy since the war has been called a ‘social market;’ that is, a predominantly market-based economy which is supplemented with social services and social insurance. After the war, the Christian Democrats became the dominant party. The CDU drew members from liberal, conservative and Christian Trade Union groups (Bessell, p. 311). In 1950, Konrad Adenauer became the chancellor of Germany and his party were committed to ‘a democratic society guided by social and Christian principles’ (p. 311). Their manifesto contained the following principles:

‘The spiritual worth of human beings will be recognised and in which the family would be the foundation of social order and in which “which justice would be the fundament of the state. […] Centralism will be rejected as un-German. […] Right to property will be safeguarded, the dominance of big capital, of the private monopolies and concerns will be broken. […] Help to construct a new and more beautiful Germany upon the unshakeable fundament of Christianity and of Western culture’ (p. 312).

This new post-war Germany would be federal, capitalist but with a social conscience and infused with Christian principles. It would be a market economy, generated by free and responsible people, coupled with social justice. People would be free to make their own choices, consume and choose their own occupation, but the market would still need state regulation (p. 87). It would be a competitive economy with trade and property rights coupled with pensions, unemployment insurance and health insurance. In other words, the market would work for the people. By contrast, East Germany developed a planned economy (Jarausch 2006, p. 74). West Germany’s economic miracle stood in stark contrast to East Germany’s centrally planned economy, which was not successful. West Germany did things that East Germany did not, since promoting monopolies, limiting access to world markets and price fixing were all forbidden so as to encourage freer competition (p. 78). Structural changes led to economic growth, as pro-market reforms abolished state planning and other forms of interventionism (Albrecht 2008, p. 3). Still, it maintained collective bargaining, a key component from the Weimar era (p. 5). As a result of these policies, West Germany experienced an incredible period of growth in the 1950s. Between 1948 and 1953, industrial production increased more than three-fold from 57% to 174%. Unemployment stood at 12.2% and this declined by half. The economy grew by 8.2% a year, a rate that was never achieved again. This rapid growth doubled living standards in a decade (Albrecht 2008, p. 1). However, it must be pointed out that Germany had started from a far more desperate position than the UK (p. 3). New machines were introduced into the economy, which led to a 7.2% increase in productivity (p. 89). Anton’s optics company clearly benefited from new technological advancements, though interestingly optics encountered problems in the German economy in the 1970s (p. 92). The post-war German economy was peaceful and it was completely unlike the Weimar republic or the Nazi era.    

            The character Anton embraces this post-war entrepreneurial spirit by starting his own optic company. He decides to do this after the end of the war. We see him next to his future wife, as they sit on a field. The field is framed via a long-shot and from a 180 degree angle. Anton tells his wife: ‘I’m going to set up a factory.’ She seems incredulous: ‘What are you saying, Anton?’ This is followed by a 360 degree mid-shot of the couple. She says: ‘With what? For that you need capital.’ He replies thusly: ‘I’ve got that. […] Here in my head. I’ve my capital and the decisive idea. Coming back, I first hit on the idea, my invention. Martha, you don’t understand much about optics.’ The camera work edits to a 360 degree mid-shot, perched higher up, and it pans across to the left as the characters walk across the field. It later edits to a mid-shot of the characters walking towards the camera, as it dollies out. Martha says: ‘People think you’re crazy’ Anton replies: ‘Whoever has the imagination to acquire a kingdom, he’ll get it too.’ He later mentions that the conditions in the Hunsruck are ideal for his venture: ‘What’s it got to do with the Hunsruck air? It’s free of dust, ideal for optical manufacturing. And what’s more, it’s rich in oxygen because of the forests.’ Martha replies by saying: ‘Anton, I’m afraid.’ He says: ‘Martha, stick with me, then the good years will come.’ This captures the spirit of post-war Germany, as it is entrepreneurial. Indeed, West Germany pumped its Marshall Plan money into private companies. Anton embodies the spirit of the entrepreneur, as he claims that he has a ‘decisive’ idea in his ‘head.’ Although he might not have capital, he has imagination, which is the central pillar of entrepreneurship, as he claims that ‘whoever has imagination will conquer the kingdom.’ Most entrepreneurial decisions come with risks, as they are creative and original. Martha claims that she is afraid, as the plan could easily backfire. Like many innovative companies, Anton’s plan is original but it is also thought-through, as he identifies that the Hunsruck air is optimal for his company. In line with the capitalistic nature of post-war Germany, the way forward for the country is through prosperity. Indeed, its post-war constitution protected property rights.   

            The period shortly after the war has been called ‘social democratic,’ as many of the rough edges of capitalism had been smoothed out through trade union rights, full employment and safety nets. Indeed, the anti-Marxist liberal philosopher Karl Popper believed that capitalism had been humanised and that this completely discredited the Marxist need for revolutionary overthrow (Magee 1973, p. 98). However, by the 1970s the Bretton Woods settlement had been jettisoned. Bretton Woods fixed exchange rates and it also closely regulated the financial system (Chen 2021). Indeed, we see a new, more predatory form of capitalism emerging in Heimat, as a multinational corporation attempt to buy Anton’s company. Of course, this type of monopolistic takeover actually contravenes the market principles of the Christian Democrats’ constitution. The scene starts with Anton saying this: ‘They want to buy out my factory. […] A sum has been mentioned.’ There is a mid-shot of Anton in front of golden boots and he walks around them in circles, ruminating about that has been offered to him. Usually, most of the scenes that take place in day time in Heimat are shot in black and white, but this one is in colour. We later see a mid-shot of the American businessmen inside the room, where we see a ‘Simon Optik’ logo in the background. The boots outside in the veranda are very symbolic, as Anton came up with the idea for the business after walking back to Germany straight after WWII. He created it in his ‘heimat,’ the town where he grew up, which means that it is an authentic business. Meanwhile, the multinational companies do not symbolise this authenticity and, indeed, they want to take over it. The businessmen smoke cigars and looks smug and powerful. Anton walks into the room and shows them a lens and tells them how he first became interested in photography aged fourteen. He tells them: ‘Ever seen anything like it?,’ which once more symbolises the authenticity of his own business. It is his own enterprise with its own unique qualities, which would be lost with the takeover. He later says: ‘Gentleman, I am now forty-four, our order book is in excellent shape, I have just registered three patents, taken on extra specialist workers. I don’t know why I should retire from business.’ Indeed, his business is on an upward trajectory and he sees no reason why he should sell it off to the multinationals. One of them replies thusly: ‘As we see it, you are not mass-producing. You specialise in technology, medicine, space exploration, etc. And we are a multinational concern operating in fields adjacent to yours.’ His small business caters to a small aspect of the market whilst the multinational company wants to buy it out and offer a hefty sum for it. However, a true free market would let smaller business provide a niche in the market. The man does compliment Anton for his lens: ‘Magnificent lens – never seen the like,’ which once more emphasises the authenticity of Anton’s business, as opposed to the homogenous, monolithic, monopolistic, mass-produced multinationals. They say: ‘[We have] invested large sums in processes comparable to yours.’ Anton replies thusly: ‘I love my work. I’ve built up a factory for me and the population. It is our livelihood. We all depend on this firm.’ This emphasises how important the factory is to his own personal development and how much it has done for the local community. The businessman replies by saying: ‘66 million is a lot of money,’ which once more emphasises their financial clout. The scene alternates between mid-shots of Anton and the businessmen. This scene is followed by a long-shot of the workers out in the field, this time in black and white, who all wear white overalls. The camera is perched high up. This is followed by a mid-shot of Anton speaking and this is followed by a mid-shot of the workers. Anton says: ‘With regard to your offer of 12^th August 1967 concerning the takeover of our business by your concern, we inform that we are not interested at all.’ This is once more followed by the original mid-shot of Anton on the stool. He says: ‘It’s because we are unbeatable that they want to buy us up. They’d use our name for three or four weeks… so that it looks like a free market economy… then they’d get rid of the competition. That’s their aim.’ Indeed, the principles of Adenauer’s constitution were decidedly non-monopolistic, as it aimed to have competition coupled with safety nets and social insurance. Multinational companies do not care for these principles, as they take over everything, so it is actually opposed to the idea of a genuine free market. Additionally, Anton fraternises with his workers and clearly cares for their welfare.

             The Second Heimat: Chronicle of a Generation (1993) is longer than its predecessor and covers a shorter period of time. It covers ten years, it starts from 1960 and ends in 1970, it lasts for twenty-five hours and it is novelistic in scope. It follows a young composer, Herman, who leaves the Hunsruck so as to study music in Munich. The main theme of the series is the ‘second’ home that we find as adults. It covers everything from avant-garde movements in music and film as well as more renowned events such as the assassination of Kennedy, the rise of Hippiedom, the rise of terrorist movements and the moon landing. However, these historical events are often in the background and the series chiefly revolves around musicians, filmmakers, philosophers, activists and other assorted bohemians. Indeed, there is more history in the second instalment of Heimat than the first (Adams). The series has been likened to a soap opera and the series resembles aspects of German Romanticism, as many of the characters are emotional and take notions such as ‘love’ very seriously.

The film covers the ‘avant-garde’ in music. Some of its most striking scenes involve performances of avant-garde music and this is partly because all of the musicians in the film are classically trained (Rosenbaum 1994). However, although it deals with the avant-garde, the film is classically shot (Rosenbaum). ‘Avant-garde’ is a somewhat woolly term that is tossed around like confetti. It was originally a military term, which meant crossing the battle ground and traversing into new frontiers. It meant being in the vanguard, an army that was ahead of the rest. In art, it refers to new and experimental ideas. Norman Lerbrecht defines it thusly: ‘Artists who work in advance of public taste. In music, it meant composers who ignored audience needs, specifically the post-1945 Darmstadt circle led by Boulez and Stockhausen who advocated serialism, experimentalism and electronics’ (1992, p. 14). Indeed, the younger generation were angry with the older generation after the war. The composer Olivier Messiaen recalls a young Pierre Boulez: ‘He became angry with the whole world. He thought everything was wrong with music’ (Ross 2007, p. 392). Although many of the individual composers were different, they were all seeking to break with the past (Staines and Clark 2005, p. 376). Indeed, Boulez personified the mood of the musical avant-garde: ‘Boulez went on to become the perfect avatar of the post-war avant-garde, the one who permitted “no compromise, no concession, no half-way, no consideration of values” (from the The Prophet by Thomas Mann)’ (Ross, p. 387). Indeed, the language of music was ‘reinvented on almost yearly basis’ (p. 387). Different fads appeared and reappeared, such as twelve-tone composition, total serialism, chance music, neo-dada collages, set theory, noise, silence, etc. (p.387). This became very politicised since it emerged in the free west whilst the Soviet Union suppressed it (p. 387). As such, many composers abandoned neo-classicism and embraced serialism because it had not been tarnished by the totalitarianisms of the left and right. The Nazis and the Soviet Union both banned it. Indeed, Ernst Krenek said the following: ‘My adoption of the musical technique that the tyrants hated most of all may be interpreted as an expression of protest and thus a result of their influence’ (p. 389). Serialism had been developed by Arnold Schoenberg and it was an attempt to provide a template for music that was not in any particular key. It used all twelve tones of the chromatic scale and the composer had to order these in rows. Music in the past usually stuck to certain keys, such as Mozart. Keys in music use a certain sequence of notes which are derived from octaves. Mozart did this more rigidly, but Beethoven started to modulate between different keys. Richard Wagner blurred it more by using chromatic notes – that is, the black notes on the piano – and by modulating to more distant keys (Staines and Clark, p. 468). After the war, composers took this technique further. Indeed, they wanted to eliminate tonality more than the inventor of the system did (p. 389) and Schoenberg’s serialism was couched in classical forms (p. 393). As such, many composers wanted to take the twelve-tone technique further and after the war Pierre Boulez wrote an article called SCHOENBERG IS DEAD (P. 394). Although the system was invented by Schoenberg, the composers were primarily influenced by Anton von Webern (Staines and Clark 2005, p. 376) After the war, composers began to apply the twelve-tone technique to all aspects of music, such as dynamics, pitch and duration, which was called ‘total serialism’ (p. 430). Previous composers who at some point were considered new and daring, such as Paul Hindemith and Igor Stravinsky, were now considered kitsch by snobbish critics like Theodor Adorno (p. 388). Indeed, by the time Stravinsky decided to start composing in the twelve-tone technique it was considered passé (p. 395). Modern music appeared to be in a state of perpetual revolution, even if the music wasn’t serialist.

Several scenes in The Second Heimat depict all of these things. There is a scene in the first episode where the main character, Herman, experiences a piece of avant-garde music for the first time. The scene is in black and white and it starts with a mid-shot of Herman opening the door of a rehearsal room and the spacious conservatory is visible in the background. Herman is framed via a mid-shot, which pans to the left and follows Herman as he enters the room. The camera pans from a 180 degree angle to a 360 degree angle and it spins around as he opens the door. A group of musicians are framed via a mid-shot. A piano player is on the left of the screen, there are marimba and xylophone players at the back and light comes in from the background. The musicians stop playing, turn around and look at Herman. This is followed by the same mid-shot of Herman who says ‘Isn’t this room 144? I’ve come to practise.’ There is light mainly on the left side of his face and as he walks forward the camera pans slightly and follows him. The camera work edits to the a more focused mid-shot of the five musicians. Jean-Marie says: ‘We’re rehearsing. Were did you get the keys?’ The camera pans to the right as he says this. Herman says: ‘From the porter.’ The camera pans to the left as Jean-Marie says: ‘The same old battle. They hear modern music and out comes the spare key.’ It is clear that they feel beleaguered and that they are somewhat self-righteous. They are doing something new – like Boulez and Stockhausen – and that they are fighting a fusty old order. Meanwhile, the piano is in the background, there is strong contrast between black and white and it resembles a crochet. The camera angles alternate between the perspective of Herman and the five musicians and it highlights their surprise. Volker, the piano player, says: ‘We always rehearse in the chamber room. It’s only for seniors.’ The camera pans across to the right and follows Jean-Marie as he walks towards Herman. ‘Where can I go then?’ Herman asks. The camera pans to the left onto the musicians and it is framed via the same mid-shot. The music starts and they play an avant-garde piece, which is followed by a mid-shot of Herman looking intrigued and bewildered. The camera dollies out and pans as Herman moves across the room and settles on a mid-shot of Herman behind the musicians. Herman says: ‘How I envied the older students. They were the lords of creation, haughty, united against the world. They were the prophets of the new music. Whatever shocked the older generation, they did it. So this is the new music.’ The sound is comprised of Herman’s interior monologue and the avant-garde music. The camera pans and dollies into Volker playing the piano and it tilts up and down as he signals for the other musicians to stop. This is followed by a close-up of Herman, which is accompanied by the interior monologue: ‘It fascinated me, like the city itself.’ There is a mid-shot of Volker playing dissonant chords on the piano and the camera work alternates between shots of Jean-Marie, the other musicians and Volker. This is followed by a high-angle mid-shot with everyone in the room. Herman hears modern music for the first time and he is enraptured by it. It is emblematic of social change, as the new music is in a state of perpetual renewal. They want to ‘shock’ the older generation and they feel like they are beleaguered. Finally, the camera angles emphasise how they look at each other from different perspectives.

Herman composes avant-garde pieces later on in the film. There are several scenes that recreate pieces that Herman wrote. Earlier on in the series, he did not receive acclaim for a cello concerto, so he wanted to do something completely different. The film shows the premier of one of his pieces, which is filmed in colour. It starts with a mid-shot of an opera singer wearing blue and she is accompanied by a blue background. There is a mid-shot of the crowd, which is not packed and is mostly filled with Herman’s friends. The grand piano is on the left and it is accompanied by a double bassist and saxophonist, which has clear nods to jazz. There are hoovers surrounding the performers, which adds to the sense of experimentation. The film edits to a shot of percussionists, who come from the background, and they wear tuxedos. The door is open and light comes in from the background whilst the rest of the room is dark. The percussive music that they play is reminiscent of Ionisation by Edgard Varese, as it is dissonant, syncopated and rhythmic. The camera pans across to the left, as they walk onto the stage and the lighting centres on them. Volker says: ‘I don’t do theatrical stuff, but this is going down well.’ The music is a cross between opera, modern classical and jazz. It attempts to break new ground and it is theatrical. It is very much in line with the spirit of experimentation that was present in the 1960s.       

The avant-garde musical world had a cliquish aspect to it and it also couched its music in scientific verbiage. The musical avant-garde was centred in a German city called Darmstadt. There was a high-tech vibe to it and composers dressed like scientists (p. 426). Indeed, Pierre Schaffer compared French composers to atomic physicists, which had a whiff of pseudo-science to it (p. 426). Pieces had pseudo-scientific titles like Configurations, Quantities and Structures (p. 427). Although it was a time of experimentation, some composers were frustrated by the rigidity of the school. Hans Werner Henze was ‘frustrated by the more or less official ban on tonality’ (p. 247). Karlheinz Stockhausen was the ‘crown prince’ of the school and many people revered him (p. 428). Stockhausen established himself in a studio in Cologne in 1953. Despite being ‘hypermodern,’ several members still retained 19^th century obsessions such as revolution, overthrowing the bourgeoise, transcendence, etc. (p. 431). Several composers were collegial in the 1950s, but this broke down by the 1960s (p. 453). Additionally, avant-garde movements were very interested in electronics, which was centred in the RTF studio in Paris. They experimented with musique concrete, which involves electronic manipulations of real sounds, such as pianos, railways, engines, etc. (Staines and Clark, p. 521). Meanwhile, the WDR studio in Cologne attempted to create a new musical language purely from electronic sounds. Stockhausen joined this studio and produced some of his most renowned works, such as Gesang der junglinge and Kontakte. Meanwhile, Luciano Berio and Luigi Nono pursued a middle path between both schools. Most major European composers worked at these schools, but an electronic studio was established in Princeton and this is where Milton Babbitt and John Cage worked. However, the rise of new technologies soon started to make many of these ventures seem dated (p. 521). The movements were cliquey, centred in Darmstadt, attempted to appear scientific and the rise of electronics promised to create new sounds. However, for all the sense of experimentation and newness, many of these notions started to seem passé.

The musical scene in The Second Heimat certainly is cliquey, but it is centred in Munich, not Darmstadt. The series also documents composers competing with each other, which once more is similar to the musical scene in Darmstadt. However, the series also chronicles the development of electronic music, as Herman eventually acquires his own electronic studio, which is called ‘Varia Vision.’ Herman collaborates with his friend Rob, a filmmaker, so as to create a synthesis between sound and image. He is funded by a wealthy industrialist so as to do this. Herman shows his studio to his friend Volker, whom he often competes with throughout the series. The scene starts with a 180 degree mid-shot of Volker and Herman and there is not much light on them. Herman tells Volker: ‘This is my electronic studio. What do you think? This is a brand new mixing table from England.’ Indeed, electronic music often used state-of-the-art technology. Volker looks solemn and forlorn, as his former rival has eclipsed him. Indeed, this rivalry mirrors the rivalries in the modern classical scene in the late 1950s. Electronic studios require a lot of investment, meaning that Herman is a sought-after composer. The camera pans and follows Herman via a 180 degree mid-shot. He says: ‘Vodocer. Six channels. It makes the sound generators respond to the human voice.’ The state-of-the-art technology is able to synthesise real voices and instruments – as opposed to the earlier musique concrete, which manipulated real sounds. Herman says: ‘Do you realise what that means? That sawtooth generator there. I can make it talk. I can make a VW engine talk. I can break down human voices into elements and synthesise them. I can turn speech into music and vice versa.’ The new technology is a multifaceted synthesis of multiple sounds, which mirrors new keyboards which became available around this time, such as the Moog. The engineer comes in wearing an overall and he is called ‘Doctor,’ which emphasises how this enterprise was often considered scientific rather than artistic. Indeed, he uses technical language, as he talks about ‘parts for the ring modulator.’ Volker turns to Herman and tells him about a project he wants to do which wants to mix electronic sounds with acoustic ones. Herman says: ‘We don’t splice anymore. We synthesise.’ Old acoustic instruments are considered old-hat, even if they are spliced with electronic sounds. This is somewhat ironic, given how dated a lot of the electronic music from this period subsequently became.

This essay will now look at the German New Wave, as several characters in the film are filmmakers. The German New Wave revitalised German filmmaking, as there had been a fallow period after the Third Reich. The golden years had been during the Weimar Republic, but Nazis brought this to an end and most films were imported after the war (Stanford 1980, p. 6). However, most filmmakers were more well-versed with Hollywood filmmakers rather than the classics from the Weimar era (p. 6) and this comes through in The Second Heimat. Pivotally, ‘Heimatfilms’ were very popular. They filmed the idyllic countryside and they were patriotic. They acquired nationalistic overtones during the Nazi era and even after the war Heimatfilms were too linked with the Nazis (p. 11). However, Edgar Reitz’s Heimat films were notorious, as they were not nationalistic or even patriotic. However, the German New Wave in the 1960s broke with staid Heimat films after the publication of the ‘Oberhausen Manifesto.’ Edgar Reitz was one of the signatories of the manifesto and he recreates this in The Second Heimat. It was a youthful and revolutionary document. It stated the following:

‘The collapse of the conventional German cinema finally removes the economic basis from an attitude of mind that we reject. With it, the new cinema has a chance of coming to life. […] We declare our object to be the creation of the new German feature film. This new cinema needs new freedom. Freedom from the customary conventions of the trade. Freedom from the influence of commercial partners. Freedom from the tutelage of vested interests. We have a concrete notion of the new German cinema. We are collectively prepared to take economic risks. The old cinema is dead. We believe in the new one.

Oberhausen, 28 February 1962.’ (p. 14)

This is similar to The Second Heimat, as the filmmakers in the film say that ‘papa’s cinema is dead.’ The manifesto demanded new production conditions (Niewalda) and they were clearly influenced by the Nouvelle Vague, who are also cited in the film. Edgar Reitz signed the Oberhausen manifesto alongside Alexander Kluge and twenty-four other signatories. The manifesto also stated that ‘papa’s cinema is dead,’ (Niewalda) something that is explicitly quoted in Reitz’s film. Kluge studied law and one of the filmmakers in the film, Stefan, studies law. However, not much happened after the manifesto was released. Government funding was only set up by 1965. Germany started producing films with international recognition when Alexander Kluge released Yesterday Girl in 1966 and won the Silver Bear in Venice (p. 15). Television played a big part in developing new German cinema and there were more outlets for cinema in German TV than any other European country (p. 15). Indeed, Reitz’s Heimat films were funded by and broadcast on television. Although Reitz made his films later, there were also other Heimat films made during the German New Wave period (p. 135).

            Several scenes of the film depict filmmakers as well as musicians. Indeed, they mention the same slogan that the Oberhausen manifesto included – ‘Papa’s kino is dead.’ We see a mid-shot of Robert and Richard placing stickers that say ‘Papa’s kino is dead’ across Munich. The camera pans across to the right as they are chased away by the owner of a cinema. This reifies how iconoclastic much of this cinema was and how they were disposed to anti-social pranks. It is a ‘break with the old.’ They proceed to place these stickers on statues, beer mugs, zoos and people on the streets, public toilets and the top of cathedrals. The series later on shows the filmmakers involved in several projects. There is a scene where Stefan, most likely modelled on Alexander Kluge, abandons an ambitious project. It becomes ‘sabotaged’ by a group of political radicals. The scene starts with a black and white mid-shot of a camera filming Robert, a fellow filmmaker, talking. The camera dollies into a close-up of Stefan talking. Robert says: ‘Today, making a film means taking responsibility. Responsibility for political awareness. A film is just a dead record of a lot of pre-rehearsed scenes. Vision is only truth when we feel what we see. I mean, the camera has no feeling.’ The camera work edits back to the mid-shot of Robert being filmed. He continues: ‘To approach the truth, the camera man must get his feeling into the picture. Reality isn’t truth. We tend to think, the more realistic a scene is, the better it is.’ There is a sense of the ‘meta’ in this scene, simply because Robert is being filmed by a camera and he is talking about the process of filmmaking. Obviously, the camera work causally captures the material world as it is and Robert is talking about how it is the job of the filmmaker to imbue this process with his own vision. This is followed by a mid-shot of Stefan, the project’s director, walking over. The camera dollies out as Stefan approaches the set. The camera pans and shifts from a 360 degree to a 180 angle. Stefan says: ‘Stop shooting! I’m announcing the end of production. We’re taking all the equipment, all exposed and unexposed film. […] All costumes, props, tools. […] Production is over. You’ve violated the contract.’ The crew seem nonplussed as he says this. The production is sabotaged by a group of leftist agitators. Robert had talked about film being ‘a political responsibility,’ but Stefan says that the production has being ‘systematically sabotaged.’ Many of the members of the German New Wave were very ambitious, but they found it hard to get their ambitious projects off the ground. Indeed, Reitz had several flops prior to making the Heimat films. Indeed, Stefan is an auteur who has lost complete control over his project. Robert talks as to how film is an attempt to manipulate causal reality and how the filmmaker attempts to imbue this with his own vision. However, Stefan in this scene has not managed to do this and it is hijacked by a group of radicals.

            This essay will now look at the Baade-Meinhof group, a hard-left terrorist organisation that was formed in 1968. It originated from the university protest movement and it decried the United States as imperialist (Jenkins). Like the rest of the first world, West Germany experienced left-wing youth revolts in the 1960s (Moncourt and Smith 2013). It distrusted their parents’ generation, as they thought that the post-war regime that their parents ran was still comprised of Nazis. Indeed, Christopher Hitchens states the following in an article: ‘[They wanted to] strip the mask from the pseudo-democratic state and reveal the Nazi skull beneath its skin’ (2009). They started to live in communes (Moncourt and Smith), which once more mirrors scenes in The Second Heimat. Whilst other leftist groups leant towards countercultural anarchism, Baden-Meinhof tended towards communism and often cited Mao as an influence. The Social Democrats came to power in 1969 and pushed through many of the demands of the student movement. Despite this, the group kept protesting and became more radicalised (Moncourt and Smith). The members of the gang supported themselves through bank robberies and engaged in terrorist bombings and arson of West German corporations. It also kidnapped and assassinated political figures, provoked an aggressive response from the government and thought this would lead to a broader revolutionary movement. The tactics became more violent and they started to become more estranged from the political left. It later transpired that East German secret police had provided them with training, shelter and supplies (Jenkins).

            Indeed, this resentment against the ‘Nazi’ past of their parents’ generation permeates the entire series. Earlier on in the series, the character Ansgar says that the ‘economic miracle’ that they were living through was being presided over by former Nazis. The character Helga becomes radicalised and joins a leftist group which later morphs into a terrorist organisation, which is clearly modelled on The Red Army Faction. In one scene, she likens the Christian Democrat government to Nazis, even though its former leader, Adenauer, fled the Nazi regime and subjected the country to the process of ‘Denazification.’ She hyperbolically compares the Christian Democrat administration to Germany in the 1930s: ‘We intellectuals are responsible for the democracy in this country. That’s where most artists failed in 1933. It mustn’t happen again.’ Helga and her group later visit the ‘Foxhole,’ a mansion she used to frequent in her bohemian days. They are worried that they are being monitored by the government. She once more hyperbolically compares the government to the Nazis, as they are about to be banned: ‘That’s how Hitler came to power.’ They themselves are the product of the ‘bourgeoise’ and they have lived through the German ‘economic miracle,’ yet they still talk about ‘revolution,’ ‘dismantling power structures’ and ‘transition from capitalism to socialism.’ They acknowledge that the economic conditions are unprecedented, but they still think that they can live without it: ‘[We should] liberate ourselves from affluence.’ Indeed, they call Frauelein Cerphal a product of the ‘bourgeois’ when they are quite clearly a product of it, too. Eventually, Helga’s political group morphs into terrorism. We see this in a scene when a train gets stopped by the police, as they attempt to track down terrorists. We see a low-angle long-shot of helicopters and the sound of helicopters. The police are later framed via a mid-shot. Herman later encounters a close-up of Helga and other members of the terrorist organisation; it dawns on Herman that Helga is now a terrorist. Later on in the episode, they look into Stefan’s car, who had a relationship with Helga, and they barge into his apartment. His apartment is festooned with posters of Blow-Up by Antonioni, The Conformist by Bertolucci and Death in Venice by Visconti, which clearly reveals his interest in Italian filmmaking. The terrorists are framed via a mid-shot and they disguise themselves. Stefan says: ‘My God, Helga, how long can you live like this?’ She says: ‘At last I am needed.’ We see a low-angle mid-shot of Stefan and this is followed by a mid-shot of Helga eating. She is clearly self-righteous and she feels that what she is doing is just and necessary. Obviously, her former friends are taken aback by her transformation. The hard-left groups in Germany drifted towards terrorism, as they were radicalised by the Nazi past of their parents. However, they benefited from the ‘social market’ settlement that they installed after the war.

            Heimat 3: A Chronicle of Endings and Beginnings (2004) is set after the fall of the Berlin. It deals with a new homeland which is more multicultural, cosmopolitan and globalised. Indeed, it explores what ‘homeland’ means in a much more different world. Jonathan Romney: ‘What does home mean in a period of such radical displacement and dislocation?’ (2009). It takes place between 1990 and 2000 and, being eleven hours long, is shorter than the first two instalments. It deals with the collapse of communism, the integration of east and west Germany, the integration of immigrant communities and crass consumerism. Once more, these issues are largely in the background and the series primarily focuses on the personal relationships between the characters. Interestingly, although it is the third series, it seems to be more linearly derived from the first series than the second one. The series is set in the town Schabbach, where the first series is set. Hermann meets Clarissa, the singer and cellist that he is infatuated with in the second series. They meet by chance and decide to settle in Schabbach, the homeland that he decided to repudiate in the second series. This essay will look at the reunification of East and West Germany as well as the integration of immigrants into Germany.

            The Reunification of Germany was a major achievement, which required ‘strong international partnerships and deft political manoeuvring’ (Hadley 2021). Indeed, it has been called a ‘political miracle,’ as it was hard to imagine that Soviet Union military forces would retreat peacefully from their occupied territories (Sinn 2000, p. 1). East and West Germany became reunited on October 3, 1990 and the Soviet Union collapsed a year later. According to Kohler, the German chancellor, German Reunification would not have been possible without Gorbachev’s market reforms – Perestroika (restriction) and Glasnost (openness) (Hadley). Additionally, The Soviet Union had struggled to keep up with Ronald Reagan’s aggressive defence spending, which had decimated their economy. The USA and West Germany were in favour of reunification, but France and the UK, led by Francois Miterrand and Margaret Thatcher respectively, were not. The world was already going in this direction, as the Communist Party in Poland voted to legalise Solidarity, the anti-communist trade union, which won seats in the parliament. There were mass pro-democracy demonstrations in Hungary. Bush, Kohl and Gorbachev all had an excellent relationship, which helped make reunification work (Hadley). Negotiations between Kohl and Gorbachev took place in Mosco and Stavropol between July 14-16, which was a diplomatic breakthrough. In these negotiations, Kohl attempted to convince Gorbachev that a unified Germany would not be a threat to the Soviet Union (Hellfeld/Chase 2010). Gorbachev did not use the presence of troops to stamp out the demonstrations against East Germany, a tactic which had been used by his predecessors and he kept his word when it came to Hungary and Poland, too. Indeed, he said: I just want the Soviet Union to be a normal country’ (Hadley). On July 17, he gave the go-ahead for East and West Germany to reunify (Hellfeld/Chase). West Germany was given the permission to incorporate territory of 108,333 kilometres and 16 million people. The Soviet Union had already amassed a massive debt in the arms race with Ronald Reagan, so it was in no mood to keep control of satellite states. In return for accepting German reunification, Kohl agreed to pay for the costs of withdrawing Soviet troops. He also promised financial help so as to stabilise Soviet finances (Hellfeld/Chase).

            Although German reunification was considered a great success, it has inevitably created problems. As analyses of Heimat 3 will demonstrate, several East Germans struggle to integrate into West Germany. Many people said that it was a positive development at the time (Gramlich 2019). However, although living standards have risen in East Germany, surveys have shown that ‘a clear majority’ of East Germans remain unsatisfied (Eddy 2020). Indeed, economic growth lags behind in the east; economic output lags behind the west by 70% and east Germans earn 15% less on average (Eddy). Labour productivity in the east stood at one third of the level of the west (Becker, Mergele and Woersmann 2020, p. 158). Self-employment had been restricted in the communist regime, which led to a low level of entrepreneurship following reunification (p. 158). German reunification led to a shock to retirement levels and prices increased after the abolishment of price controls (p. 158). The planned economy meant that people had to wait for decades to buy a car (p. 165). East German doctrine taught people to live frugally, but reunification opened up opportunities for consumption, so East Germans spent money on items so as to display their high status (p. 165).  East Germany went from being one of the most industrialised countries to one of the least, as its infrastructure and its economy was ravaged by communism (Dale 2019). As a result, some easterners express their discontent by supporting far-right parties. Also, the east has lost a generation of people who fled to the west following reunification. They sought jobs after 94% of state-owned companies were shut down. Currently, none of Germany’s major companies have their headquarters in the east and the region trails in research, development, machines and factories. Six in ten west Germans see reunification as a complete process, but more than eight in ten East Germans see it as incomplete (Eddy). Following reunification, Helmut Kohl set the exchange rate of the Ostmark to the Deutschmark to 1:1, which led to a 400% increase in the value of the East German currency. None of the East German companies were able to withstand the shock, as costs could not be reduced and all prices were subject to re-evaluation. Kohl also oversaw the privatisation of eastern enterprises, the sell-off was accompanied by legal and illegal corruption and he prioritised the interests of western businesses. Only 5% of former eastern businesses were sold to easterners; 85% were sold to westerners. As a result, most senior management activities took place in the west. The east experienced emigration and stagnation as well as the depopulation of towns and demolition of houses. Westerners were mostly appointed to positions of power, which included the civil service, professorship, industry and the armed forces (Dale).

            This inequality between East and West Germans is depicted in Heimat 3. The fall of the Berlin wall is depicted at the start of the series and this is when Herman and Clarissa serendipitously meet each other. Clarissa encounters two East German workers after a concert of hers has been cancelled. The scene starts with a mid-shot of Clarissa wearing an elegant blue top whilst the East Germans wear shabbier clothing, which emphasises their differences in class. Otto assumes that she is a reporter, but she is the lead singer at the concert, which once more emphasises class distinctions. The camera pans to the right, towards Udo who smokes a cigarette and drinks a beer. Udo says: ‘That’s Mrs. Lichblau, the western singer they cancelled. You should know that.’ The camera pans to a low angle mid-shot of Clarissa sitting down with a meal and there are darker tones in this shot. The camera work edits to a mid-shot of the easterners, who are portrayed via a lighter tone. Udo tells Otto to ‘leave the lady alone.’ Otto says: ‘You see, I’m a joiner, a tiler, a scaffold builder, all in one.’ The camera work alternates between low-angle mid-shots of the East Germans and Clarissa. This is followed by a voiceover from Clarissa: ‘A thought crossed my mind. Weren’t they the craftsmen we needed for our house on the Rhine? I could make them an attractive offer. Can you imagine working for me? I could make you ten marks an hour.’ This is followed by a close-up of the workers. Otto says: ‘West German marks?’ Clarissa says: ‘Yes, I have my car here. I can take you there.’ Otto: ‘The BMW outside.’ Otto and Udo seem incredulous, as it seems to be a lot of money to them. However, Clarissa later mentions to Hermann that she is underpaying them and she is taking advantage. East Germans, therefore, were prone to exploitation. This scene is later shortly followed by a scene where Clarissa drives the East German workers to West Germany. The three of them are framed via a mid-shot. Clarissa sings, in an operatic voice, the East German national anthem. We see a close-up of Udo who says: ‘Look.’ Clarissa says: ‘What?’ Udo says: ‘That blue. Amazing.’ He points to a neon sign in blue. The East German is taken aback by it, as everything in the communist regime had been so drab, decimated and squalid. Clarissa is so used to her comfortable life in the west that she sees nothing remarkable about the petrol station. Both Udo and Otto later struggle and drift in the new reunified Germany. Otto struggles to make ends meet and even ends up in jail whilst Udo starts a failed business venture.  

            This essay will now explore the inflow of immigrants and refugees into Germany in the 1990s. Indeed, like many other places, immigration is a big issue in Germany and a large part of the population supports controlling migrant flows (Arenas-Arroyo, Giunfella, Vargas-Silva 2018, p. 2). Most immigrants have lived for ten years or longer in Germany and one third of them have lived in Germany for more than twenty years (Green 2001). The public is concerned that it affects labour markets and the country’s finances (Arenas-Arroyo, Guinfella, Vargas-Silva, p. 2). People also take an interest in the unemployment and the benefit dependency of immigrants (p. 2). The arrival of migrants and the subsequent impact on the job opportunities of the native-born population also becomes an issue (p. 2), but empirical studies show that this is not an issue (p. 3). The number of migrants in Germany, as of 2018, is 12.1 million, they account for 15% of the population and 40% of them come from EU countries (p. 2). Several problems arise from migration, such as welfare benefits, language training, the provision of education to migrants and the access to infrastructure and accommodation (Kannels and Lecca 2017, p. 1). However, refugees can often integrate into the economy, work, pay taxes and help it grow (p. 2). It can create a supply shock, since refugees have to be integrated into the labour market. It also creates a demand shock, as it creates additional spending of welfare (p. 4). It also creates additional problems, such as gaps in educational achievements, low employment, brain waste and high levels of overqualification, social exclusion and poverty (p. 7). The poverty rate is also higher in immigrant households than native households and migrant children are often more likely to be exposed to poverty (p. 8). Following reunification, many migrants came from abroad as well as the former East Germany (Graka, Schwarze, Wagner, p. 1). The inflow of immigrants peaked in 1990/91, as by 1997 8% of the West German population had immigrated as compared with 1% of East Germany in 1984 (p. 2). The unemployment rate in East Germany was 18% due to economic ‘shock therapy’ whilst it stood at 10% in West Germany in 1997 (p. 3). However, this high unemployment rate also affected immigrants (p. 6). Immigrants do tend to be on lower incomes, although Germany does have lower rates of income inequality than the rest of Europe (p. 6). However, there have been cases of xenophobia in Germany and of violence towards immigrants (Bade and Anderson, p. 85). Foreigners have been attacked on the streets, with slogans such as ‘foreigners out’ and ‘Germans for Germans’ being chanted (p. 85). Victims of these attacks have usually been asylum seekers (p. 85).

            There are several scenes in Heimat 3 which depict multiculturalism. There is a scene where several Russian immigrants arrive at Schabbach, which in the first Heimat is a predominantly homogeneous community. The scene starts with a black-and-white mid-shot of the Russian immigrants, a young couple and an elderly couple. We see a mid-shot of a young Russian woman with a child and there is a black man behind her. This once more emphasises the new multiculturalism in towns, not just cities. The music has folkish aura to it, which emphasises the provenance of these people, as opposed to the Teutonic highbrow classicism of Hermann and Clarissa. Russian immigrants, black immigrants local people from the Hunsruck all get on with each other. It is harmonious, there is a sense of solidarity and that multiculturalism works. There are no diatribes such as ‘German for Germans.’ The Russian woman tells its child: ‘Well, Nikitoshka, a new time is beginning.’ She is starting a new life in Germany and possibly shedding some of her Russian heritage. This is followed by a mid-shot of an elderly German couple, who will most likely hold on to their Russian heritage and integrate into German society less successfully. They dress in a more traditional way, but they sit next to the African families, which once more emphasises multiculturalism.

Indeed, the Russian immigrants have fled the communist regimes which had just been deposed. This comes through in a scene where we see a mid-shot of the Russian woman with African children in the street. They fraternise and, once again, there is a sense that multiculturalism works. This is obvious a stark contrast to the racist and nationalistic rhetoric in the first Heimat. The Russian woman goes to the black woman’s flat, where she is joined by the character Ernst, Herman’s brother. Ernst stares into the cot, looks at the infant and says: ‘You belong to your own people. A fridge, nice clothes, a TV, freedom.’ Ernst is framed via a mid-shot and from a low angle, from the perspective of the baby. The baby, meanwhile, is framed from a mid-shot and from a higher angle, from Ernst’s perspective. Whilst Ernst does not have racist or nationalist values, he does have conservative values and he does want them to assimilate. He mentions the material comforts that the baby will enjoy, but he also mentions the conceptual values that are open to him. He will enjoy freedom, an ideal that will enable him to determine his own values and choices, something that he would not be open to him in the stultifying conformity of Soviet communism.  

This essay explored the Nazification and denazification of German society in Heimat. Unemployment aggravated the situation, so many people turned to fascism, even though the vote for the Nazis had declined by the time of the fifth general election of 1932. However, many of the Nazis in Heimat do so out of expedience rather than out of principle. Many of the Nazis were aware of the gas chambers, but less politically engaged characters like Maria becomes disconcerted when she encounters ‘death rings.’ Once the Nazis are defeated, one of the erstwhile Nazis attempts to ingratiate herself with the occupying Americans. Following the war, the political program presented by Adenauer and the Christian Democrats emphasised the sanctity of property rights and entrepreneurialism, but they tempered this with trade union bargaining rights and social insurance. As a result, the economy grew and Germany became an industrial powerhouse. Indeed, this is depicted in Heimat, as the character successfully starts an optical company. However, the film does depict the rise of a more predatory capitalism in the 1970s, as multinational companies attempt to buy him out. The Second Heimat, meanwhile, partly dealt with the restless creativity of the 1960s avant-garde. Indeed, the avant-garde in music in the late 1950s and early 1960s was in a state of perpetual renewal. This does come through in the film, as the character Herman composes a series of experimental pieces. In the end, he acquires his own electronic studio, which once more mirrors the avant-gardism of the era. The musical avant-garde was often iconoclastic, cliquish and highly competitive and this comes through in the film. The film also deals with the German New Wave, which was once more iconoclastic. The movement railed against the commercialism of the medium, but it also emphasised the importance of the ‘auteur.’ This comes through in the film since Stefan, an auteur filmmaker, has his film sabotaged by a group of insurrectionary leftists. The film does indeed deal with leftist movements, which are highly hypocritical since they rail against an economic system which has given them unbridled opportunities. Indeed, the leftists become more and more radical and turn into terrorists. Finally, Heimat 3 deals with the integration of East and West Germany, immigration and multiculturalism. The East German characters are exploited and they struggle to integrate into the reunified Germany. Additionally, the film does depict multiculturalism in a positive light, as several nationalities manage to co-exist peacefully. However, some immigrant characters do struggle to integrate in other episodes. These are all the aspects of German social change that the trilogy depicts.

 

 

 

 

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Filmography

Heimat. (1984) Directed by Edgar Reitz. Edgar Reitz Film (ERF) Sender Freies Berlin (SFB) Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR). 924 minutes.

Heimat 2: Chronicle of a Generation. (1993) Directed by Edgar Reitz.  Edgar Reitz Film (ERF) Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR) (co-production) Sender Freies Berlin (SFB) (co-production) Bayerischer Rundfunk (BR) (co-production) Norddeutscher Rundfunk (NDR) (co-production) Südwestfunk (SWF) (co-production) Hessischer Rundfunk (HR) (co-production) British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) (co-production) Televisión Española (TVE) (co-production) Sveriges Television (SVT) (co-production) France 2 (FR2) (co-production) (as A2) ARTE (co-production) Norsk Rikskringkasting (NRK) (co-production) Yleisradio (YLE) (co-production) Österreichischer Rundfunk (ORF) (co-production) Danmarks Radio (DR) (co-production) Special Broadcasting Service (SBS) (co-production). 1,532 min.

Heimat 3: A Chronicle of Endings and Beginnings. (2004) Directed by Edgar Reitz. Edgar Reitz Film (ERF) Südwestrundfunk (SWR) (co-production) ARD (Arbeitsgemeinschaft der öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunkanstalten der Bundesrepublik Deutschland) (co-production) ARD Degeto Film (co-production) Arri Cine Technik GmbH & Co. KG (co-production) Recorded Picture Company (RPC) (co-production) Jeremy Thomas Productions (co-production). 689 minutes.